This article explores the status of Josif Schlesinger (1794–1870), the first Serbian composer and professional musician in the court of Prince Miloš Obrenović (1780–1860), in the complex process of constructing Jewish identity in the web of Jewish legislation at the crossroads of the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires. Schlesinger was singled out as one of the most prominent Jews in the Principality of Serbia. His status was far more favorable than that of Jews of other professions, especially merchants. The attitude of the Serbian government towards Jews during most of the nineteenth century can be divided into two periods. During the first period, until the early 1840s, Jews were free to work, travel, and settle, while during the second period, which lasted until the Serbians achieved independence in 1878, Serbia had anti-Semitic laws that suppressed Jewish rights to work, travel, and settle. The anti-Jewish laws were so strict that the Alliance Israélite Universelle had to write to the major European forces during the talks leading to the Treaty of Berlin to inform them of the situation in Serbia; the anti-Semitic laws were abolished almost a decade later. The change of policy towards Jews in the 1840s was due to the economic interests of a part of the Serbian merchant elite, which was also very involved in trade and commerce. In the long period after the introduction of the first anti-Semitic laws, the majority of the Serbian government became very hostile towards the Jews. Jewish merchants were not supposed to work and live outside of their neighborhood in Belgrade. According to Schlesinger himself, Jewish musicians enjoyed a different social status as members of a rare profession. In this article, the authors also focus on the problem of music migration from northern parts of the Habsburg Empire both to its south and to the newly (in 1867) established independent Principality of Serbia. The authors' approach is based not only on an intersection of military and political history but also on a sociological ...
Kratki prilog istoriji podunavskih Nemaca: slučaj porodice Pfajfer 1944-1946: Drugi svetski rat proizveo je ogromna materjalna razaranja, ostavljajući zemlje starog kontinenta u potpunom ekonomskom, političkom i socijalnom haosu. Višegodišnja ratna stihija nije rastočila samo ekonomiju, već i posledično socijalnu strukuru predratnih društava, gurnuvši veliki deo populacije u prisilne migratorne talase najrazličitijih vrsta koji su, u relativno kratkom periodu, dramatično izmenili etničku strukturu Evropskog kontinenta. Ipak, završetak rata nije doneo smirivanje ovih burnih procesa, već naprotiv. Čini se da je kapitulacija Nemačke otvorila novi migratorni tok čiji su protagonisti ovoga puta bili sami Nemci
This publication and the same name Round table are part of the international bilateral cooperation between Serbia and Portugal 2018-2019, with project title The Small Power, International Dynamics and Internal Politics: Portugal and Serbia (1878-1926/1929). A Parallel Study No. 451-03-1924/2016-09/9) funded by Ministry for Science, Education and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and The Foundation for Science and Technology, Ministry for Science, Technology and Higher Education of the Republic of Portugal
This article explores the status of Josif Schlesinger (1794-1870), the first Serbian composer and professional musician in the court of Prince Miloš Obrenović (1780-1860), in the complex process of constructing Jewish identity in the web of Jewish legislation at the crossroads of the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires. Schlesinger was singled out as one of the most prominent Jews in the Principality of Serbia. His status was far more favourable than that of Jews of other professions, especially merchants. The attitude of the Serbian government towards Jews during most of the nineteenth century can be divided into two periods. During the first period, until the early 1840s, Jews were free to work, travel, and settle, while during the second period, which lasted until the Serbians achieved independence in 1878, Serbia had anti-Semitic laws that suppressed Jewish rights to work, travel, and settle. The anti-Jewish laws were so strict that the Alliance Israélite Universelle had to write to the major European forces during the talks leading to the Treaty of Berlin to inform them of the situation in Serbia; the anti-Semitic laws were abolished almost a decade later. The change of policy towards Jews in the 1840s was due to the economic interests of a part of the Serbian merchant elite, which was also very involved in trade and commerce. In the long period after the introduction of the first anti-Semitic laws, the majority of the Serbian government became very hostile toward the Jews. Jewish merchants were not supposed to work and live outside of their neighbourhood in Belgrade. According to Schlesinger himself, Jewish musicians enjoyed a different social status as members of a rare profession. In this article, the authors also focus on the problem of music migration from northern parts of the Habsburg Empire both to its south and to the newly (in 1867) established independent Principality of Serbia. The authors' approach is based not only on an intersection of military and political history but also on a sociological perspective on migration and the issues of minorities which deepens the musicological approach to the issue of "Jewishness" and music. ; U ovom članku istražuje se status Josifa Šlezingera (1794-1870), prvog srpskog kompozitora i profesionalnog muzičara na dvoru kneza Miloša Obrenovića (1780-1860), u složenom procesu konstruisanja jevrejskog identiteta u mreži jevrejskog zakonodavstva na raskrsnici Osmanskog i Habzburškog carstva. Šlezinger je izdvojen kao jedan od najistaknutijih Jevreja u Kneževini Srbiji. Njegov status je bio daleko povoljniji od položaja Jevreja drugih profesija, posebno trgovaca. Odnos srpske vlasti prema Jevrejima tokom većeg dela devetnaestog veka može se podeliti na dva perioda. Tokom prvog perioda, sve do ranih 1840-ih, Jevreji su bili slobodni da rade, putuju i naseljavaju se, dok je u drugom periodu, koji je trajao sve dok Srbi nisu stekli nezavisnost 1878. godine, Srbija imala antisemitske zakone koji su suzbijali pravo Jevreja na rad, putovanje i nastanjivanje. Antijevrejski zakoni bili su toliko strogi da je Alliance Israélite Universelle morala da piše glavnim evropskim silama tokom pregovora koji su vodili do Berlinskog ugovora da ih obavesti o situaciji u Srbiji; antisemitski zakoni su ukinuti skoro deceniju kasnije. Promena politike prema Jevrejima 1840-ih godina bila je posledica ekonomskih interesa dela srpske trgovačke elite, koja se takođe veoma bavila zanatstvom i trgovinom. U dugom periodu nakon donošenja prvih antisemitskih zakona, većina članova srpske vlade postala je veoma neprijateljski raspoložena prema Jevrejima. Jevrejski trgovci nisu smeli da rade i žive van svog naselja u Beogradu. Prema samom Šlezingeru, jevrejski muzičari su uživali drugačiji društveni status kao pripadnici retke profesije. U ovom članku autori se fokusiraju i na problem migracije muzike iz severnih delova Habzburškog carstva, kako na njegov jug, tako i u tek (1867. godine) uspostavljenu nezavisnu Kneževinu Srbiju. Pristup autora se zasniva ne samo na preseku vojne i političke istorije, već i na sociološkoj perspektivi migracija i pitanja manjina što produbljuje muzikološki pristup pitanju "jevrejstva" i muzike. ; Članak je deo specijalnog broja (this article is part of the special issue) "Exploring Music Life in the Late Habsburg Monarchy and Successor States", ed. Tatjana Marković and Fritz Trümpi (April 3, 2021).
The Principality and later Kingdom of Serbia with its less pronounced class differences, with a thin layer of urban population and the dominance of rural population, was the perfect target for the military musicians that were coming from the Habsburg Empire. "Foreigners" as military musicians would progress into higher strata. Czech musicians were the most important and most numerous among the newcomers in Serbia and the role of Josif Schlesinger as the first important musician is essential for understanding their importance and influence. The educational and modernization process could be followed by the growth in the number of professional military musicians.
International audience ; The Principality and later Kingdom of Serbia with its less pronounced class differences, with a thin layer of urban population and the dominance of rural population, was the perfect target for the military musicians that were coming from the Habsburg Empire. "Foreigners" as military musicians would progress into higher strata. Czech musicians were the most important and most numerous among the newcomers in Serbia and the role of Josif Schlesinger as the first important musician is essential for understanding their importance and influence. The educational and modernization process could be followed by the growth in the number of professional military musicians. ; Кнежевина, а потом Краљевина Србија са малобројном грађанском класом и мањимсоцијалним разликама у односу на развијеније европске земље, била је једно од омиљениходредишта за професионалне војне музичаре Хабзбуршке монархије. Музичари "странци" суу таквим условима могли лако доћи до посла али и остварити брзо друштвено напредовање. Чешки музичари су били најбројнији и најзначајнији међу новопридошлицама, док је улогаЈосифа Шлезингера била посебно важна за разумевање њиховог значаја и утицаја.Модернизацијски токови, као и образовање међу војним музичарима у Србији немогуће јепратити без прецизног осврта на растући број војних музичара. Овај рад управо даје осврт нањихов значај у дугом периоду њихових миграција који су трајали до XX века.
The Principality and later Kingdom of Serbia with its less pronounced class differences, with a thin layer of urban population and the dominance of rural population, was the perfect target for the military musicians that were coming from the Habsburg Empire. "Foreigners" as military musicians would progress into higher strata. Czech musicians were the most important and most numerous among the newcomers in Serbia and the role of Josif Schlesinger as the first important musician is essential for understanding their importance and influence. The educational and modernization process could be followed by the growth in the number of professional military musicians. ; Кнежевина, а потом Краљевина Србија са малобројном грађанском класом и мањим социјалним разликама у односу на развијеније европске земље, била је једно од омиљених одредишта за професионалне војне музичаре Хабзбуршке монархије. Музичари "странци" су у таквим условима могли лако доћи до посла али и остварити брзо друштвено напредовање. Чешки музичари су били најбројнији и најзначајнији међу новопридошлицама, док је улога Јосифа Шлезингера била посебно важна за разумевање њиховог значаја и утицаја. Модернизацијски токови, као и образовање међу војним музичарима у Србији немогуће је пратити без прецизног осврта на растући број војних музичара. Овај рад управо даје осврт на њихов значај у дугом периоду њихових миграција који су трајали до XX века.
The conquest of Niš (1689) by the Habsburg army affected diplomacy of the Porte. This was especially evident in negotiations it had started several months before in Vienna with the members of the Holy League. This paper is based on the documents kept in the archives of Vienna and London. It also discusses the situation in the Ottoman state presented from the point of view of diplomats accredited by governments, who take different positions on many issues. This paper is an attempt to assess in a wider context the impact of this Habsburg victory, so far interpreted primarily as a part of military history, on European events of that dramatic period, because certain contemporary publications suggest the impact was not negligible.
Pad Niša je bio značajan jer su u isto vreme trajali pregovori u Beču između članica Svete lige i Osmanskog carstva. Na taj način je vojni poraz direktno uticao na pregovaračke pozicije osmanske strane u Beču. Na osnovu neobjavljene arhivske građe iz arhiva u Beču i Londonu može se saznati koliko brzo i na koji način su promene na bojnom polju uticale na mirovne pregovore. Neuspeh osmanske strane u pregovorima je otkrio značaj Beograda koji osmanska strana nije ni pod kojim uslovima želela da prepusti Svetoj ligi. Pored toga bezbednost samih pregovarača je zavisila od situacije na bojnom polju. Pad Niša je uslovio dalji neuspešni prodor Habzburga koji se završio povrtakom Niša pod osmansku vlast. ; The conquest of Niš (1689) by the Habsburg army affected diplomacy of the Porte. This was especially evident in negotiations it had started several months before in Vienna with the members of the Holy League. This paper is based on the documents kept in the archives of Vienna and London. It also discusses the situation in the Ottoman state presented from the point of view of diplomats accredited by governments, who take different positions on many issues. This paper is an attempt to assess in a wider context the impact of this Habsburg victory, so far interpreted primarily as a part of military history, on European events of that dramatic period, because certain contemporary publications suggest the impact was not negligible.
In this paper, we will analyse the attitudes of the oldest political party in Serbia (the Socialist Party of Serbia – SPS) towards the European Union from the party's establishment to the present day. We have chosen this party for two important theoretical and methodological reasons. First, it is the only party in Serbia to inherit the continuity of socialist heritage, i.e. the only one to retain the socialist nomenclature when, at least nominally, party pluralism, an electoral regime and the transformation to capitalism began. The second reason is that the SPS is the largest left-wing party in Serbia, and one of the largest parties in Serbia in general. In this paper, we will apply a narrative analysis of the party's most important legal documents. The focus of our analysis will be on documents from 2010 and 2014, but to be able to follow the historical development of the attitudes of the SPS towards the EU, we have also included a document from 1990 in the analysis.
Autori u radu analiziraju prilike u Papskoj državi izazvane epidemijom kuge koja je pogađala njene stanovnike, ali i stočni fond. Vremenski okvir koji je predmet analize bio je obeležen završetkom velikog sukoba u Evropi poznatog kao Rat za špansko nasleđe (1701-1714), ali i početkom novog Mletačko-osmanskog rata (1714-1718). Stalna ratna opasnost, posebno vojne operacije vođene na teritoriji Apeninskog poluostrva, uticala je na intenzitet i aktivnost epidemije u Papskoj državi. Autori podatke iz britanskih izvora kompariraju sa drugim istorijskim izvorima, ali i sa savremenim istraživanjima. Istraživanje je pokazalo da su epidemije koje su u kratkom periodu (od 1713. do 1716) pogodile Papsku državu bile manjeg intenziteta, što se posebno odnosi na epidemije ljudske kuge. Stočna kuga, s druge strane, pokazala se štetnom po privredu Papske države, preteći da u njoj, kao krajnju posledicu prolongira i glad, stalno prisutnu među najsiromašnijim slojevima stanovništva. Mere zaštite koje je Rim preuzimao pokazale su se efikasnim, zbog čega od 1716. godine nema vesti o kugi i gladi u britanskim izvorima koji opisuju prilike u Papskoj državi. ; The British government did not appoint its representative in Rome, so the British in Venice were obliged to regularly inform on the developments in the Papal States. For this reason, their reports contain data that reveal certain aspects of the daily life in the Papal States, primarily those related to epidemics, hunger, and natural disasters. Our research is based on the archival material and relevant histories of this era, as well as the contemporary results of historical science for comparative analysis and the creation of an objective scientific picture of the epidemics and other natural disasters that affected the inhabitants of the Papal States in this short period at the beginning of the 18th century.
POPREBEL Working Paper no. 4: Political populism from the fringe to the mainstream: A conceptual framework. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 822682. POPREBEL Working Paper series POPREBEL (Populist rebellion against modernity in 21st-century Eastern Europe: neo-traditionalism and neo-feudalism) is a large Horizon 2020-funded research project on the rise of populism in Central and Eastern Europe. The aim of the project is to describe the phenomenon, create a typology of its various manifestations, reconstruct trajectories of its growth and decline, investigate its causes, interpret its meanings, diagnose its consequences and propose policy solutions. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 822682.The POPREBEL consortium comprises six universities – UCL (co-ordinatinginstitution), University of Belgrade, Charles University, Corvinus University ofBudapest, Jagiellonian University and University of Tartu – and Edge ryders, a social enterprise. Contents 1. Introduction 2.Political populism 2.1 Varieties of populism in CE/SEE 2.2 The populist challenge from within the mainstream 2.3 Populists in power 2.4 Popular geopolitics and the cultural grounds of populism 2.5 Looking beyond parties to understand populist politics
